Friday, August 29, 2014

Inflation and deflation,IGCSE,GCEO,GCSE, Complete notes

Measuring Inflation

Introduction

The Cost of Living

The cost of living is a measure of changes in the average cost for a household of buying a basket of different goods and services
In the UK there are two measures, the Retail Price Index (RPI) and the Consumer Price Index (CPI)
Price data is used in many ways by the government, businesses, and society in general. They can affect interest rates, tax allowances, wages, state benefits, pensions, maintenance payments and many other 'index-linked' contracts.
CPI Inflation
The consumer price index (CPI) is a weighted price index, which measures the monthly change in the prices of over 600 different goods and services
The weights are revised each year, using information from the Family Expenditure Survey. The expenditure of the highest income households, and of pensioner households dependent on state pensions, is excluded.
Calculating a weighted price index

Category
Price Index
Weighting
Price x Weight
Food
104
19
1976
Alcohol & Tobacco
110
5
550
Clothing
96
12
1152
Transport
108
14
1512
Housing
106
23
2438
Leisure Services
102
9
918
Household Goods
95
10
950
Other Items
114
8
912

100
10408

Weights are attached to each category and then we multiply these weights to the price index for each item of spending for a given year.
  • The price index for this year is: the sum of (price x weight) / sum of the weights
  • So the price index for this year is 104.1 (rounding to one decimal place)
The rate of inflation is the % change in the price index from one year to another. So if in one year the price index is 104.1 and a year later the price index has risen to 112.5, then the annual rate of inflation = (112.5 – 104.1) divided by 104.1 x 100. Thus the rate of inflation = 8.07%.
The UK Inflation Target
This target is set each year by the Chancellor and it is the task of the Bank of England to meet this target. There is a permitted band of fluctuation of +/- 1%.
In the early years of this decade inflation stayed comfortably within target range but this changed from 2007 onwards. The target was breached for the first time in the spring of 2007 when inflation edged over 3% before falling back. But in 2008 there was a renewed surge in consumer prices that caused CPI inflation to spike up above 5%. And, despite a dip in inflation brought about by falling interest rates and the recession, CPI inflation has remained above target through most of 2010 and 2011 – averaging around 3%.


The government has not made any official change to the inflation target but, as far as monetary policy is concerned, the Bank of England has interpreted the inflation objective flexibly given the highly uncertain economic situation at home and in the global economy. They appear to have been prepared to tolerate a higher rate of inflation as the economy has struggled to emerge from the downturn.
Criticisms of the inflation target
Setting inflation targets came into fashion in the early 1990s. Macroeconomic policymakers were looking for a way of introducing transparency and credibility into monetary and fiscal policy by having a clear final target or objective – namely price stability at a low (positive) rate of inflation.
The hope was that an inflation target would provide an anchor for inflation expectations, giving businesses and employees the confidence that the purchasing power of money would be protected and encouraging long term planning and higher levels of investment.
Whilst inflation targets seemed to work well during a period of global macroeconomic stability, the inflexible nature of targets has come under growing criticism in the last few years.
In respect of the UK, one criticism has been that the chosen inflation measure and target (CPI inflation of 2%) was not designed to deal with inflation shocks from abroad which, in themselves were not the result of whether UK policy interest rates were at the right level. 
A few years back when many businesses were outsourcing and off shoring and China and other emerging markets were making big inroads into world trade, there was a collapse in the price of manufactured goods from DVD players to freezers, kettles and iPods. This led to a fall in consumer prices fell relative to wages and profits boosting people’s spending power. One city economist talked about the“real product wage” – i.e. what goods and services could be bought with £100 of wage income.
This heralded a period when official CPI inflation was below the 2% target; indeed policy-makers focussed their attention on preventing price deflation. To prevent this from happening required a boost to domestic spending through a combination of lower interest rates and an expansionary fiscal policy. Cheaper interest rates encouraged consumer borrowing and also acted as a stimulant to the UK property market. In the short term this boosted AD and GDP growth but at the expense of causing big imbalances – shown by a falling savings ratio, huge levels of personal sector debt, and an unsustainable housing boom.
Fast forward to 2006-08 when booming emerging market countries were contributing to a sudden and sharp rise in world commodity prices, leading to a burst of cost-push inflationary pressures in the UK. This time, CPI inflation surged above the target but once more for reasons that were not to do with what was happening domestically – inflation was being driven by external rather than home-grown headwinds. The response of the Bank of England was to ‘tighten’ policy by raising interest rates and this did much to bring down the housing market.
Thus some economists believe that a narrow inflation-targeting framework has introduced a "stop-go" element into the British economy that has made our cycle more volatile.
Limitations of the Consumer Price Index as a measure of inflation


The CPI is a thorough indicator of consumer price inflation for the British economy but there are some weaknesses in its usefulness for some groups of people. This has become an important issue both when CPI inflation has been well above target.
  1. The CPI is not fully representative: Since the CPI represents the expenditure of the ‘average’ household, it will be inaccurate for the ‘non-typical’ household, for example, and 14% of the index is devoted to motoring expenses - inapplicable for non-car owners. We all have our own ‘weighting’ for goods and services that does not coincide with that assigned for the consumer price index.
  2. Housing costs: The ‘housing’ category of the CPI records changes in the costs of rents, property and insurance, repairs and accounts for around 16% of the index. Housing costs vary from person to person, from the young house buyer, to the older householder who may have paid off the mortgage.
  3. Changing quality of goods and services: Although the price of a good or service may rise, this may be accompanied by an improvement in quality. It is hard to make price comparisons of electrical goods because new AV equipment is so different from its predecessors. In this respect, the CPI may over-estimate inflation. The CPI is slow to respond to the emergence of new products and services.
One of the big issues in recent times has been the difference in measured inflation between the Consumer Price Index (CPI) and the Retail Price Index (RPI). The latter includes mortgage interest costs in its calculation and is therefore more sensitive to changes in the cost of mortgage borrowing.
Introduction
Analysing the Consequences of Inflation
High and volatile inflation has economic and social costs.
Anticipated inflation:
  • When people are able to make accurate predictions of inflation, they can take steps to protect themselves from its effects.
  • Trade unions might use their bargaining power to negotiate for increases in money wages to protect the real wages of union members.
  • Households may switch savings into accounts offering a higher rate of interest or into other financial assets where capital gains might outstrip price inflation.
  • Businesses can adjust prices and lenders can adjust interest rates. Businesses may also seek to hedge against future price movements by transacting in “forward markets”. For example, many airlines buy their fuel months in advance as a protection or ‘hedge’ against fluctuations in world oil prices.
Unanticipated inflation:
  • When inflation is volatile, it becomes difficult for individuals and businesses to correctly predict the rate of inflation in the near future.
  • Unanticipated inflation occurs when people, businesses and governments make errors in their inflation forecasts. Actual inflation may end up below or above expectations causing losses in real incomes and a redistribution of income and wealth from one group to another
Money Illusion
  • People often confuse nominal and real values because they are misled by the effects of inflation.
  • For example, a worker might experience a 6 per cent rise in his money wages – giving the impression that he or she is better off in real terms. However if inflation is also rising at 6 per cent, in real terms there has been no growth in income.
  • Money illusion is most likely to occur when inflation is unanticipated, so that people’s expectations of inflation turn out to be some distance from the correct level.

The Economic Costs of Inflation

We must be careful to distinguish between different degrees of inflation, since low and stable inflation is less damaging than hyperinflation where prices are out of control.
  1. Impact of Inflation on Savers: When inflation is high, people may lose confidence in money as the real value of savings is severely reduced. Savers will lose out if interest rates are lower than inflation – leading to negative real interest rates. This has certainly happened in the UK during 2009-2011.
  2. Inflation Expectations and Wage Demands: Price increases lead to higher wage demands as people try to maintain their real living standards. This process is known as a ‘wage-price spiral’.
  3. Arbitrary Re-Distributions of Income: Inflation tends to hurt people in jobs with poor bargaining positions in the labour market - for example people in low paid jobs with little or no trade union protection may see the real value of their pay fall. Inflation can also favour borrowers at the expense of savers as inflation erodes the real value of existing debts.
  4. Business Planning and Investment: Inflation can disrupt business planning. Budgeting becomes difficult because of the uncertainty created by rising inflation of both prices and costs - and this may reduce planned investment spending.
  5. Competitiveness and Unemployment: Inflation is a possible cause of higher unemployment in the medium term if one country experiences a much higher rate of inflation than another, leading to a loss of international competitiveness and a subsequent worsening of their trade performance.

 
Benefits of inflation 

Can inflation have positive consequences? The answer is yes although much depends on what else is happening in the economy. Some of the potential advantages of benign inflation are as follows:
  1. Higher revenues and profits: A low stable rate of inflation of say between 1% and 3% allows businesses to raise their prices, revenues and profits, whilst at the same time workers can expect to see an increase in their pay packers. This can give psychological boost and might lead to rising investment and productivity.
  2. Tax revenues: The government gains from inflation through what is called ‘fiscal drag effects’. For example many indirect taxes are ad valorem in nature, e.g. VAT at 20% - so as prices rise, so does the amount of tax revenue flowing into the Treasury.
  3. Cutting the real value of debt: Low stable inflation is also a way of helping to reduce the real value of outstanding debts – there are many home owners with huge mortgages who might benefit from a period of inflation to bring down the real burden of their mortgage loans. The government too might welcome a period of higher inflation given the huge level of public sector debt!
  4. Avoiding deflation: Perhaps one of the key benefits of positive inflation is that an economy can manage to avoid some of the dangers of a deflationary recession (discussed in the next chapter)

Factors Influencing Inflation

Introduction

Overview of the factors influencing the rate of inflation
The diagram below summarises some of the key influences on inflation. Reading from left to right:
Average earnings comprise basic pay + income from overtime payments, productivity bonuses and other supplements to earned income.
Productivity measures output per person employed, or output per person hour. A rise in productivity helps to keep unit costs down.
The growth of unit labour costs is a key determinant of inflation in the medium term.
Additional pressure on prices comes from higher import prices, commodity prices (e.g. oil, copper and aluminium) and also the impact of indirect taxes such as VAT and excise duties.
Prices also increase when businesses decide to increase their profit margins. They are more likely to do this during the upswing phase of the economic cycle. Conversely inflationary pressures decline in a recession when businesses have far more spare capacity and may decide to offer deep price discounts to their customers to get rid of unsold stock.

The wage price spiral – “expectations-induced inflation”



Rising expectations of inflation can be self-fulfilling
 If people expect prices to continue rising, they are unlikely to accept pay rises less than their expected inflation rate because they want to protect the purchasing power of their incomes
When workers are looking to negotiate higher wages, there is a danger of a ‘wage-price spiral’ that then requires the introduction of deflationary policies such as higher interest rates or an increase in direct taxation.
Economics Resources

Deflation


Introduction

Deflation is a period when the general price level falls i.e. the cost of a basket of goods and services is becoming less expensive
It is normally associated with falling AD causing a negative output gap (actual GDP < potential GDP)
Deflation can be caused by an increase in productive potential, which leads to an excess of aggregate supply over demand
AD-AS diagrams showing two possible causes of deflation are shown below

Possible Economic Costs of Deflation
  1. Holding back on spending: Consumers may opt to postpone demand if they expect prices to fall further in the future. If they do, they might find prices are 5 or 10% cheaper in 6 months.
  2. Debts increase: The real value of debt rises when the general price level is falling and a higher real debt mountain can be a drag on consumer confidence and people’s willingness to spend.
  3. The real cost of borrowing increases: Real interest rates will rise if nominal rates of interest do not fall in line with prices. For example UK policy interest rates were slashed to 0.5% in 2009 but realistically they cannot go any lower. If inflation is negative, the real cost of borrowing increases.
  4. Lower profit margins: Lower prices can mean reduced revenues and profits for businesses - this can lead to higher unemployment as firms seek to reduce their costs by shedding labour.
  5. Confidence and saving: Falling asset prices such as price deflation in the housing market hit personal sector wealth and confidence – leading to further declines in aggregate demand.
Benign Deflation
If falling prices are caused by higher productivity, as happened in the late 19th century, then it can go hand in hand with robust growth. On the other hand, if deflation reflects a slump in demand and persistent excess capacity, it can be dangerous, as it was in the 1930s, triggering a downward spiral of demand and prices. If the falling prices are simply the result of improving technology or bettermanagerial practices, that is fine.
Malign Deflation
Malign deflation occurs when prices fall because of a structural lack of demand which creates huge excess capacity in an economic system. If there is a slump in demand, companies go out of business and sack people, and hence demand falls again – the negative multiplier effect starts to have its effect.

John Maynard Keynes on deflation
A recession puts downward pressure on prices and wages – but wages tend to be sticky downwards (people resist having their pay cut)
So if prices are falling but wages are not, business profits will suffer and this could lead to a huge rise in unemployment.
Irving Fisher on deflation
Central banks can only cut nominal interest rates to zero per cent but if prices and wages are falling, real interest rates will rise and the real value of existing business and household debt will increase
During a period of recession and deflation, there is a strong incentive for people to use any rise in real incomes to save and pay down some of their debts rather than spend on new goods and services.

Macroeconomic policies at a time of deflation
A number of options are available for policy-makers when an economy tilts into deflation.
Monetary Policy
  • Interest rates: Deep cuts in interest rates can be made to stimulate the demand for money and thereby boost consumption. Most central banks around the world have responded to the global recession by slashing official policy rates, in the UK from 5.5% to 0.5%. But this is not always an effective strategy for reducing the risks of deflation:
    • If consumer confidence is low, the impact of a monetary stimulus might be weak as people are more likely to save any added income to enable them to pay off accumulated debt.
    • If asset prices are falling, the demand for cash savings will remain high – therefore consumption may not respond to lower interest rates.
    • There are limits to how far monetary policy can go in boosting demand because nominal interest rates cannot fall below zero.
  • Quantitative Easing – The Bank of England started this process in March 2009 and expanded it in October 2011. In total (so far) QE has involved £275bn of asset purchases designed to boost lending by the banking system. To some it is best explained as the process of printing money in the hope that, by injecting it into the economy, people and companies will be more likely to spend. If they are more likely to spend, there is a chance that output and employment will respond.
Fiscal Policy
Keynesian economists believe that fiscal policy is a more effective instrument of policy when an economy is stuck in a deflationary recession
The key Keynesian insight is that a market system does not have powerful self-adjustments back to full-employment after there has been a negative economic shock
Keynes talked of persistent under-employment equilibrium – an economy operating in semi-permanent recession leading a persistent gap between actual demand and the potential level of GDP. Keynes argued that this justified an exogenous injection of aggregate demand as a stimulus to get an economy on the path back to full(er) employment and to prevent deflation.
A fiscal expansion of AD can come directly through higher government spending and/or an increase in borrowing. Secondly the threat of deflation might be reduced through lower direct taxes to boost household disposable incomes. Both of these strategies seek to boost incomes and inject extra spending power into the circular flow of income and spending.
The tax cuts might be announced as temporary to deal with a specific deflationary threat. But again there may be limits to the effectiveness of fiscal policy in these circumstances:
  • There are long term consequences for the size of the national debt
  • Low consumer and business confidence might again reduce the impact of any fiscal stimulus.

Measuring inflation

Introduction

The Cost of Living

The cost of living is a measure of changes in the average cost for a household of buying a basket of different goods and services
In the UK there are two measures, the Retail Price Index (RPI) and the Consumer Price Index (CPI)
Price data is used in many ways by the government, businesses, and society in general. They can affect interest rates, tax allowances, wages, state benefits, pensions, maintenance payments and many other 'index-linked' contracts.
CPI Inflation
The consumer price index (CPI) is a weighted price index, which measures the monthly change in the prices of over 600 different goods and services
The weights are revised each year, using information from the Family Expenditure Survey. The expenditure of the highest income households, and of pensioner households dependent on state pensions, is excluded.
Calculating a weighted price index

Category
Price Index
Weighting
Price x Weight
Food
104
19
1976
Alcohol & Tobacco
110
5
550
Clothing
96
12
1152
Transport
108
14
1512
Housing
106
23
2438
Leisure Services
102
9
918
Household Goods
95
10
950
Other Items
114
8
912

100
10408


Weights are attached to each category and then we multiply these weights to the price index for each item of spending for a given year.
  • The price index for this year is: the sum of (price x weight) / sum of the weights
  • So the price index for this year is 104.1 (rounding to one decimal place)
The rate of inflation is the % change in the price index from one year to another. So if in one year the price index is 104.1 and a year later the price index has risen to 112.5, then the annual rate of inflation = (112.5 – 104.1) divided by 104.1 x 100. Thus the rate of inflation = 8.07%.
The UK Inflation Target
This target is set each year by the Chancellor and it is the task of the Bank of England to meet this target. There is a permitted band of fluctuation of +/- 1%.
In the early years of this decade inflation stayed comfortably within target range but this changed from 2007 onwards. The target was breached for the first time in the spring of 2007 when inflation edged over 3% before falling back. But in 2008 there was a renewed surge in consumer prices that caused CPI inflation to spike up above 5%. And, despite a dip in inflation brought about by falling interest rates and the recession, CPI inflation has remained above target through most of 2010 and 2011 – averaging around 3%.


The government has not made any official change to the inflation target but, as far as monetary policy is concerned, the Bank of England has interpreted the inflation objective flexibly given the highly uncertain economic situation at home and in the global economy. They appear to have been prepared to tolerate a higher rate of inflation as the economy has struggled to emerge from the downturn.
Criticisms of the inflation target
Setting inflation targets came into fashion in the early 1990s. Macroeconomic policymakers were looking for a way of introducing transparency and credibility into monetary and fiscal policy by having a clear final target or objective – namely price stability at a low (positive) rate of inflation.
The hope was that an inflation target would provide an anchor for inflation expectations, giving businesses and employees the confidence that the purchasing power of money would be protected and encouraging long term planning and higher levels of investment.
Whilst inflation targets seemed to work well during a period of global macroeconomic stability, the inflexible nature of targets has come under growing criticism in the last few years.
In respect of the UK, one criticism has been that the chosen inflation measure and target (CPI inflation of 2%) was not designed to deal with inflation shocks from abroad which, in themselves were not the result of whether UK policy interest rates were at the right level. 
A few years back when many businesses were outsourcing and off shoring and China and other emerging markets were making big inroads into world trade, there was a collapse in the price of manufactured goods from DVD players to freezers, kettles and iPods. This led to a fall in consumer prices fell relative to wages and profits boosting people’s spending power. One city economist talked about the“real product wage” – i.e. what goods and services could be bought with £100 of wage income.
This heralded a period when official CPI inflation was below the 2% target; indeed policy-makers focussed their attention on preventing price deflation. To prevent this from happening required a boost to domestic spending through a combination of lower interest rates and an expansionary fiscal policy. Cheaper interest rates encouraged consumer borrowing and also acted as a stimulant to the UK property market. In the short term this boosted AD and GDP growth but at the expense of causing big imbalances – shown by a falling savings ratio, huge levels of personal sector debt, and an unsustainable housing boom.
Fast forward to 2006-08 when booming emerging market countries were contributing to a sudden and sharp rise in world commodity prices, leading to a burst of cost-push inflationary pressures in the UK. This time, CPI inflation surged above the target but once more for reasons that were not to do with what was happening domestically – inflation was being driven by external rather than home-grown headwinds. The response of the Bank of England was to ‘tighten’ policy by raising interest rates and this did much to bring down the housing market.
Thus some economists believe that a narrow inflation-targeting framework has introduced a "stop-go" element into the British economy that has made our cycle more volatile.
Limitations of the Consumer Price Index as a measure of inflation


The CPI is a thorough indicator of consumer price inflation for the British economy but there are some weaknesses in its usefulness for some groups of people. This has become an important issue both when CPI inflation has been well above target.
  1. The CPI is not fully representative: Since the CPI represents the expenditure of the ‘average’ household, it will be inaccurate for the ‘non-typical’ household, for example, and 14% of the index is devoted to motoring expenses - inapplicable for non-car owners. We all have our own ‘weighting’ for goods and services that does not coincide with that assigned for the consumer price index.
  2. Housing costs: The ‘housing’ category of the CPI records changes in the costs of rents, property and insurance, repairs and accounts for around 16% of the index. Housing costs vary from person to person, from the young house buyer, to the older householder who may have paid off the mortgage.
  3. Changing quality of goods and services: Although the price of a good or service may rise, this may be accompanied by an improvement in quality. It is hard to make price comparisons of electrical goods because new AV equipment is so different from its predecessors. In this respect, the CPI may over-estimate inflation. The CPI is slow to respond to the emergence of new products and services.
One of the big issues in recent times has been the difference in measured inflation between the Consumer Price Index (CPI) and the Retail Price Index (RPI). The latter includes mortgage interest costs in its calculation and is therefore more sensitive to changes in the cost of mortgage borrowing.

Distribution of income and wealth Notes IGCSE,GCEO,GCSE

Introduction

  • Income is a flow of factor incomes such as wages and earnings from work; rent from the ownership of land and interest & dividends from savings and the ownership of shares
  • Wealth is a stock of financial and real assets such as property, savings in bank and building society accounts, ownership of land and rights to private pensions, equities, bonds etc
Absolute poverty
Absolute poverty measures the number of people living below a certain income threshold or the number of households unable to afford certain basic goods and services. What we choose to include in a basic acceptable standard of living is naturally open to discussion.
Relative poverty
Relative poverty measures the extent to which a household’s financial resources falls below an average income level. The official poverty line is drawn at an income of 60% of the median level. Although living standards and real incomes have grown because of higher employment and sustained economic growth, there is little doubt that Britain has become a more unequal society over the last 20-25 years.
Mean and median income in the UK
For 2009 the figures (in £s per week) were as follows:
  • Median income = £407 per week
  • Mean income = £507 per week
  • The official poverty line is 60% of the media = £244 per week
6 per cent of individuals live in households with disposable incomes of £1,000 per week or more and this helps to explain why the mean value for household income exceeds the median.
Income inequality in the United Kingdom
These figures are drawn from the latest survey on poverty and inequality produced by the Institute for Fiscal Studies (www.ifs.org.uk)
  • Inequality has remained steady over the course of the recent recession
  • Taking the 13-year period of Labour government as a whole, income inequality as measured by the Gini coefficient has increased but at a slower rate than in the 1980s
  • Looking over Labour’s 13 years in office, headline rates of relative poverty fell from 19.4% in 1996–97 to 17.1% in 2009–10
  • The fraction of children in poverty fell from 26.7% in 1996–97 to 19.7% in 2009–10. This still leaves the rate of child poverty well above the previous government’s target to halve child poverty by 2010
  • Using the official relative poverty measure of having an income below 60% of median income, in the UK in 2009–10, there were 13.5 million individuals in relative poverty

The Gini Coefficient

  • The Gini coefficient is a commonly-used measure of income inequality that condenses the entire income distribution for a country into a single number between 0 and 1: the higher the number, the greater the degree of income inequality.
  • A value of 0 corresponds to the absence of inequality, so that, having adjusted for household size and composition, all individuals have the same household income.
  • In contrast, a value of 1 corresponds to inequality in its most extreme form, with a single individual having all the income in the economy
  • The value for the Gini-coefficient varies enormously across different countries – the next chart tracks what has happened to the coefficient for the UK since the mid 1990s
The Lorenz Curve
The further the Lorenz curve lies below the line of equality, the more unequal is the distribution of income.
 There are problems with the Lorenz curve – particular if we are inaccurate in our measure of incomes.
Gini coefficients for a selection of countries
(Data is taken from the World Bank databank, most recent published data is used, mainly for 2008-09)
Country Name
Gini Value
Country Name
Gini Value
Brazil
53.9
China
41.5
Thailand
53.6
India
36.8
Mexico
51.7
Indonesia
36.8
Kenya
47.7
Poland
34.2
Malaysia
46.2
Hungary
31.2
Argentina
45.8
Ukraine
27.5
Uganda
44.3
Belarus
27.2
Russian Federation
42.3
United Kingdom
36.1

The gap between lowest and higher income groups can be seen in this chart produced by the UK Statistics Commission:

Another way of showing this income data is in the table below – this shows the distribution of disposable income by household income quintile. The data is for 2008-09.
Bottom Fifth
Next Fifth
Middle Fifth
Next Fifth
Top Fifth
% share of disposable income
7
12
16
22
42
Inequality of original income (i.e. before taking account of taxes and benefits) has followed a different pattern. It rose fairly steadily throughout the 1980s and has been relatively stable since then. The Gini Coefficient for disposable income is lower than for original income because of the equalising effects of our progressive tax and benefits system.

The Distribution of Wealth

  • The distribution of wealth is more unequal than the distribution of income
  • Over 90% of marketable wealth is in the hands of just half the population and over a fifth of wealth is concentrated among the richest one per cent of households
  • Looking at global inequalities in wealth, a study from the UN World Development Report published in November 2006 found that the richest 2% of adults in the world own more than half of all wealth.
  • According to the report, “Wealth is heavily concentrated in North America, Europe and some countries in the Asia Pacific region, such as Japan and Australia.”

Explaining the scale of income and wealth inequality in the UK

Proportion of people whose income is below various fractions of median household disposable income
 < 60% of median income
< 50% of median income
1961
12.8
7.4
1971
13.6
6.3
1981
12.1
4.5
1991
20.1
11.7
2001
17.0
9.7
2004
16.8
9.4
Source: Social Trends 36
There are numerous explanations both for the existence and persistence of a huge divide in incomes and wealth within the UK. Most of them are economic in origin, but some are linked to social change.
A summary is provided below:
(1) Differences in pay in different jobs and industries
  • High growth industries have enjoyed above average increases in pay and earnings. These include (until recently) financial and business services and information technology. Jobs where labour demand is high and there are shortages of skilled labour tend to offer more generous pay packages for employees.
  • The worst paid jobs are still found in lower-skill service sector industries - often where there is little trade union protection and where job insecurity is endemic.
  • Globalisation and the rise in the number of high-skill jobs in areas such as finance and technology have boosted demand for skilled labour, enabling individuals with special skills to earn higher wages. In 1973, US chief executives were, on average, paid 26 times the median income. Now they command more than 300 times the median
  • There remains a big difference in average hourly wages flowing to groups with different levels of education. This table shows evidence drawn from the UK labour market in 2010.
Median hourly pay (£)
Pay gap to GCSE
Degree
16.10
100%
Higher education
12.60
56%
A Levels
10.00
24%
GCSE grades A*-C
8.68
8%
Other qualifications
8.07
0%
No qualification
6.93
-14%
Source: Labour Force Survey, October-December 2010
(2) Falling relative incomes of people dependent on state benefits
  • State welfare benefits such as the state pension and unemployment assistance normally rise in line with retail prices (they are index-linked) rather than with earnings.
  • Therefore, households dependent on welfare assistance see their relative incomes fall over time.
  • This is a problem for thousands of pensioner households and also for large families on low incomes since for both groups it is widely recognised that the inflation that they have experienced has been well above the national figure for consumer price inflation.
  • Not only have they fallen behind in relative terms – but their real incomes have taken a hit from the sharp surges in food and utility bills over the last two or three years
  • In 2008/09, 29 per cent of all pensioners in the UK had no pension provision other than state retirement pension
(3) The effects of unemployment
  • Unemployment is a key cause of relative poverty
  • A serious problem is the increase in the number of households where no one is in paid employment and where a family is dependent on state welfare aid.
  • Pockets of high long-term unemployment are nearly always associated with an increased risk ofpoverty. London is a good example of this – huge wealth and poverty frequently live cheek by jowl.
  • Many adult workers in the labour market have either no skills or limited skills and this affect their employability and expected lifetime earnings and risk of persistent poverty.
UK population, age 22-64, by highest qualification, per cent
2010
Degree
25
Higher education
10
A Levels
21
GCSE grades A*-C
20
Other qualifications
12
No qualification
11
Source: Labour Force Survey, October-December 2010
(4) Changes to the tax and benefit system
  • Changes to direct and indirect taxes have contributed to an increase in relative poverty. Income tax rates have fallen over the last two decades
  • The top marginal rate of tax fell from 83% in 1979 to 40% in 1988 where it remained for over twenty years – it has since risen back to 50%
  • Tax reductions allow people in work to keep a higher proportion of their earned income. The benefits from lower taxes have flowed disproportionately to people on above-average incomes because of a fall in the progressive nature of the UK’s direct tax system.
  • There has been a switch towards indirect taxes in recent years including higher rates of value added tax and higher excise duties on petrol, alcohol and cigarettes.
  • Some of these indirect taxes have a regressive effect on the distribution of income. A good example of this has been the real-term increase in the level of excise duty on cigarettes and the proposed rises in vehicle excise duty.
Policy options to change the distribution of income and wealth
There are many policy options available to a government if it wants to change the final distribution of income and wealth in a country.
  • The introduction of a National Minimum Wage and a series of increases in its value
  • Tax Credits designed to boost work incentives for low-income households who opt to work
  • Minimum Income Guarantees for Pensioners and increases in the real value of Winter Fuel Payments – designed to alleviate “fuel poverty” among old people
  • Active employment policies for young people, the long-term unemployed, lone parents and disabled people – a long-term strategy designed to increase employment opportunities
  • Increased spending on training - UK government expenditure on education and training has doubled in real terms over the last 24 years, from £43 billion in 1987/88 to £87 billion in 2010/11
  • Increased spending on early-years education - The proportion of children aged under five enrolled in all schools in the UK has increased from 21 per cent in 1970/71 to 62 per cent in 2009/10

Demand for labour,Gce o' level notes

Introduction

Labour Demand – Marginal Revenue Product
  • How many people should a business look to employ?
  • Theories of the demand for labour try to analyse links between the demand for labour and a variety of economic factors. We start with the marginal revenue productivity theory of the demand for labour.
Marginal Revenue Product (MRPL) measures the change in total revenue for a firm from selling the output produced by additional workers.
MRPL = Marginal Physical Product x Price of Output per unit
  • Marginal physical product is the change in output resulting from adding an extra worker.
  • The price of output is determined in the product market – in other words, the price that a business can get in the market for the goods and services that they have produced.
A numerical example of marginal revenue product is shown in the next table:
Labour people employed
Capital (K)
Units of capital
Total Output(Q) units
Marginal Product
Units
Price per unit of output when sold (£)
Marginal revenue product = MPP x P (£)
0
5
0
/
5
/
1
5
30
30
5
150
2
5
70
40
5
200
3
5
120
50
5
250
4
5
180
60
5
300
5
5
270
90
5
450
6
5
330
60
5
300
7
5
370
40
5
200
8
5
400
30
5
150
9
5
420
20
5
100
10
5
430
10
5
50
  • We are assuming in this example that the firm is operating in a perfectly competitive market such that the demand curve for finished output is perfectly elastic at £5 per unit.
  • Marginal revenue product follows directly the behaviour of marginal physical product. Initially as more workers are added to a fixed amount of capital, the marginal product is assumed to rise.
  • However beyond the 5th worker employed, extra units of labour lead to diminishing returns. As marginal physical product falls, so too does marginal revenue product. For example the 5th worker taken on adds $450 to total revenue whereas the 9th worker employed generates just £100 of extra income.
The story is different if the firm is operating in an imperfectly competitive market where the demand curve is downward sloping. In the next numerical example we see that as output increases, the firm may have to accept a lower price per unit for the product it is selling. This has an impact on the marginal revenue product of employing extra units of labour. One again though, a combination of diminishing returns to extra labour and a falling price per unit causes marginal revenue product (eventually) to decline. In our example below, it starts to fall once the 7th worker is employed.
Labour
Capital (K)
Output (Q)
MPP
Price (£)
MRP = MPP x P (£)
0
5
0

10.0

1
5
25
25
9.60
240
2
5
60
35
9.00
315
3
5
100
40
8.70
348
4
5
150
50
8.20
410
5
5
210
60
7.90
474
6
5
280
70
7.70
539
7
5
360
80
7.00
560
8
5
430
70
6.80
476
9
5
450
20
6.50
130
10
5
460
10
6.00
60
MRP theory suggests that wage differentials result in part from variations in the level of labour productivity and also the value of the output that the labour input produces.
The main assumptions of the marginal revenue productivity theory of the demand for labour are:
  • Workers are homogeneous in terms of their ability and productivity (clearly unrealistic!)
  • Firms have no buying power when demanding workers (they have no monopsony power.)
  • Trade unions have no impact on the labour supply (the possible impact on unions on wage determination is considered in later chapters.)
  • The physical productivity of each worker can be accurately and objectively measured and the market value of the output produced by the labour force can also be calculated. 
  • The industry supply of labour is assumed to be perfectly elastic. Workers are occupationally and geographically mobile and can be hired at a constant wage rate. This means that the marginal cost of taking on extra workers is assumed to be constant.
The profit maximising level of employment
Now we consider how many people a business might decide to employ. The profit maximising level of employment occurs when a firm hires workers up to the point where the marginal cost of employing an extra worker equals the marginal revenue product of labour. I.e. MCL = MRPL.
This is shown in the labour demand diagram shown below.

Limitations of MRPL theory of labour demand

  1. Measuring productivity: Often it is hard to measure productivity because no physical output is produced or the output may not be sold at a market price. This makes it tough to place a true valuation on the output of each extra worker. How does one go about valuing the final output of people employed in teaching, social care or the armed forces? It is easier to measure output in industries where a tangible product is produced each day.
  2. Pay Award Bodies: In some jobs wages and salaries are set independently of the state of labour demand and supply. Over five million public sector workers for example fire-fighters, pharmacists, council workers, nurses and teachers have their pay set according to decisions of independent pay review bodies with “market forces” having only an indirect role in setting pay-rates.
  3. Self employment and Directors’ Pay: There are over three million people classified as self-employed in Britain. How many of these people set their wages according to the marginal revenue product of what they produce? And what of those people who have the ability to set their own pay rates as directors or owners of companies? Recently we have had fierce debates about the huge level of bonus payments paid to city workers many of whom were behind the risk-taking that contributed towards the credit crunch. Was their pay justified on the grounds of marginal revenue product? How does one go about measuring the marginal revenue product of people working in complex financial markets?

Shifts in the Demand for Labour

The number of people employed at each wage level can change and in the diagram below we see an outward shift of the labour demand curve. The curve shifts when there is a change in the conditions of demand in the jobs market. For example:
  • A change in demand for a product which means that a business needs to take on fewer workers
  • A change in the productivity of labour
  • A change in the level of national insurance contributions made by employers or other costs of employing people such as health and safety legislation and training levies
  • A change in cost and productivity of machinery and technology which might be able to produce or provide a good or service in place of the labour input.

Labour as a Derived Demand

  • The demand for labour is a derived demand i.e. the demand depends on the demand for the products they produce.
  • When the economy is expanding, we expect to see a rise in the aggregate demand for labourproviding that the rise in output is greater than the increase in labour productivity.
  • In contrast, during a recession or a slowdown, the aggregate demand for labour will decline as businesses look to cut their operations costs and scale back on production.
In a recession, business failures, plant shut downs and short-term redundancies lead to a reduction in the derived demand for labour. The construction industry is an example of the derived demand for labour. The decade long property boom in the UK has led to rising prices, output and employment but since 2008 the property market has been in recession leading to many thousands of job losses.
Case Study: Pay Cuts in a Recession
The recession is having a huge effect on the UK labour market. Unemployment is rising at a very fast rate; the number of unfilled vacancies has dropped. And the total number of people in a job either full time or part time is now on the slide. How best should business respond to the recession in terms of the pay and conditions they offer to their employees.
Pay cuts and pay freezes are being flagged up as an increasingly common option by businesses struggling to survive. Staffs working for the publisher Penguin who earn over £30,000 have had their salaries frozen. Premiership rugby clubs in Britain have agreed to freeze their salary cap at £4m. And a new survey from the British Chambers of Commerce covering 300 member firms found that 43% plan to freeze wages and salaries in the coming year. Nearly one business in ten will go a step further and attempt to cut basic pay and salaries – a measure almost unprecedented in the experience of today’s workers.”
There are many broader economic effects of a situation in which wage packets and salaries are either held constant or cut.
  • Pension incomes:
    • A series of pay cuts this year and next may affect the value of pensions of people who are on final salary schemes. This will be fiercely resisted by trade unions - especially those representing workers in the state sector
  • Productivity and efficiency:
    • Will reductions in pay lead to lower productivity? Pay cuts of 10 per cent or a freeze on wages (which amounts to a cut in real pay) could have a negative effect on worker morale.
  • Equity
    • Will pay cuts be across the board from executive level through to shop floor workers?
  • Impact on consumer demand:
    • Will a squeeze on real take-home incomes lead to an even deeper cut in consumer spending - aggravating the extent of the recession in the domestic economy? Many businesses will be using a mixture of layoffs, reduced hours, less overtime and wage freezes - all of which have a negative effect on average earnings
An inward shift of labour demand ought to bring about a reduction in the real value of wages and salaries in a competitive labour market. But wage freezes or cuts are not yet common across most industries. Some employers are trying more imaginative ways to reduce their payroll expenses. Some have offered their workers longer holidays or sabbaticals on a fraction on their annual pay. Others have slashed the amount of overtime available. Many employers recognise that - having strained hard to recruit their best workers - it would be foolish and counter-productive to get rid of them in a recession, whose duration few are confident in predicting.

Elasticity of Demand for Labour

Elasticity of labour demand measures the responsiveness of demand for labour when there is a change in the wage rate. The elasticity of demand for labour depends on:
  1. Labour costs as a % of total costs: When labour expenses are a high proportion of total costs, then labour demand tends to be elastic. In many service jobs such as call-centres, labour costs are a high proportion of the total costs of a business.
  2. The ease and cost of factor substitution: Labour demand will be more elastic when a firm can substitute quickly and easily between labour and capital inputs. When specialised labour or capital is needed, then the demand for labour will be more inelastic. For example it might be fairly easy and cheap to replace security guards with cameras but a hotel would find it almost impossible to replace hotel cleaning staff with machinery!
The price elasticity of demand for the final output produced by a business: If a firm is operating in a competitive market where final demand for the product is price elastic, they may have little market power to pass on higher wage costs to consumers. 

gcse economics - the big picture: business and trade cycle

gcse economics - the big picture: business and trade cycle

 
The economy tends to experience different trends. These can be categorised as the trade cycle and may feature boom, slump, recession and recovery
BOOM: A period of fast economic growth. Output is high due to increased demand, unemployment is low. Business confidence may be high leading to increased investment. Consumer confidence may lead to extra spending.
SLUMP: A period when output slows down due to a reduction in demand. Confidence may begin to suffer.
RECESSION: A period where economic growth slows down and the level of output may actually decrease. Unemployment is likely to increase. Firms may lose confidence and reduce investment. Individuals may save rather than spend.
RECOVERY: A period when the economy moves between recession and a boom.
WHAT HAPPENS IN A BOOM?
- Businesses produce more goods
- Businesses invest in more machinery
- Consumers spend more money. There is a FEELGOOD FACTOR
- Less money is spent by the Government on unemployment benefits
- More money is collected by the Government in income tax and VAT
- Prices tend to increase due to extra demand (page)
WHAT HAPPENS IN A RECESSION?
- Businesses cut back on production
- Some businesses may go bankrupt
- Consumers spend less money. Fall in FEELGOOD FACTOR
- Individuals may lose their jobs
- More money is spent by the Govt on unemployment benefits
- Less money is collected by the Govt in income tax and VAT
- Prices start to fall
Business Cycle
 
These GCSE Economics revision notes have been kindly provided by Peter Davies of Mill Hill School, Ripley

Tuesday, August 26, 2014

What is price mechanism?

Introduction

Adam Smith’s Invisible Hand
Adam Smith, one of the Founding Fathers of economics described the “invisible hand of the price mechanism” in which the hidden-hand of the market operating in a competitive market through the pursuit of self-interest allocated resources in society’s best interest.
This remains a view held by free-market economists who believe in the virtues of an economy with minimalgovernment intervention.
The price mechanism describes the means by which millions of decisions taken by consumers and businesses interact to determine the allocation of scarce resources between competing uses
The price mechanism plays three important functions in a market:
1/ Signalling function
  • Prices perform a signalling function – they adjust to demonstrate where resources are required, and where they are not
  • Prices rise and fall to reflect scarcities and surpluses
  • If prices are rising because of high demand from consumers, this is a signal to suppliers to expand production to meet the higher demand
  • If there is excess supply in the market the price mechanism will help to eliminate a surplus of a good by allowing the market price to fall.
price mechanism
In the example on the right, an increase in market supply causes a fall in the relative prices of digital cameras and prompts an expansion along the market demand curve
2/ Transmission of preferences
  • Through their choices consumers send information to producers about the changing nature of needs and wants
  • Higher prices act as an incentive to raise output because the supplier stands to make a better profit.
  • When demand is weaker in a recession then supply contracts as producers cut back on output.
One of the features of a market economy system is that decision-making is decentralised i.e. there is no single body responsible for deciding what is to be produced and in what quantities. This is a remarkable feature of an organic market system.
3/ Rationing function
  • Prices serve to ration scarce resources when demand in a market outstrips supply.
  • When there is a shortage, the price is bid up – leaving only those with the willingness and ability to pay to purchase the product. Be it the demand for tickets among England supporters for an Ashes cricket series or the demand for a rare antique, the market price acts a rationing device to equate demand with supply.
  • The popularity of auctions as a means of allocating resources is worth considering as a means of allocating resources and clearing a market.
Mixed and Command Economies and Prices
  • Most economies are mixed economies, comprising not only a market sector, but also a non-market sector, where the government (or state) uses planning to provide public goods and services such as police, roads and merit goods such as education, libraries and health.
  • In a command economy, planning directs resources to where the state thinks there is greatest need. Following the collapse of communism in the late 1980s and early 1990s, the market-based economy is now the dominant system in most countries – even though we are increasingly aware of many imperfections in the operation of the market.
Prices and incentives
  • Incentives matter! For competitive markets to work efficiently all ‘economic agents’ (i.e. consumers and producers) must respond to appropriate price signals in the market.
  • Market failure occurs when the signalling and incentive functions of the price mechanism fail to operate optimally leading to a loss of economic and social welfare. For example, the market may fail to take into account the external costs and benefits arising from production and consumption.  Consumer preferences for goods and services may be based on imperfect information on the costs and benefits of a particular decision to buy and consume a product.
Secondary markets
  • Secondary markets occur when buyers and sellers are prepared to use a second market to re-sell items that have already been purchased.
  • Perhaps the best example is the secondary market in tickets for concerts and sporting-events.
Do ticket touts provide a valuable service to a market? Or should they be banned by law?
Government intervention in the market mechanism
  • Often the incentives that consumers and producers have can be changed by government intervention in markets
  • For example a change in relative prices brought about by the introduction of government subsidies and taxation.
Government subsidies and taxation
Agents may not always respond to incentives in the manner in which textbook economics suggests.
The “law of unintended consequences” encapsulates the idea that government intervention can often be misguided of have unintended consequences! (See the final chapter on government failure)